• Re: Handloom weavers, early 19th century England

    From Steve Hayes@1:229/2 to dick.chambers@metercare.co.uk on Wednesday, September 27, 2017 03:19:16
    XPost: soc.history, soc.genealogy.britain
    From: hayesstw@telkomsa.net

    On Tue, 26 Sep 2017 16:46:29 +0100, "Richard Chambers" <dick.chambers@metercare.co.uk> wrote:

    Following the invention of Cartwright's power loom in 1785, the income of >home-based handloom weavers slowly but continuously declined, from about 20 >shillings a week in 1785 to as low as 4 or 5 shillings a week in 1840. By >this time, they were in abject poverty, attempting to live on earnings that >would not even supply sufficient food.

    If Adam Smith's theory in "The Wealth of Nations" is correct, the handloom >weavers in such poverty ought to have left their trade and found alternative >employment, on a much shorter time-scale than 55 years.

    My questions are:-
    1. Why did they not leave the trade?
    2. Were they trapped by loans, initially taken out to pay for their
    expensive handlooms, which they became unable to repay as their earnings >declined? (They would also be unable to re-sell their useless looms in order >to pay off their loans, because there would be no buyers).
    3. Were there other reasons that I have not thought of, that would explain >their failure to leave the trade and find other work?

    I am not a historian, and have not been able to find the answer to these >specific questions on the internet, which are the reasons I have ended up >here. I need the information for a talk that I shall be giving on Adam Smith >at our local Philosophy Club, of which I am an ordinary member. Thank you
    for any information you can provide. If you can also provide citations to >support your information, so much the better.

    Richard Chambers Leeds UK. >==========================================

    Interesting questions.

    I had some family members who were handloom weavers, including my
    great great grandfather, who lived in Ayrshire in Scotland. He
    committed suicide, and what you have written above may throw light on
    that.


    --
    Steve Hayes
    http://www.khanya.org.za/stevesig.htm
    http://khanya.wordpress.com

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: www.darkrealms.ca (1:229/2)
  • From Richard Chambers@1:229/2 to All on Tuesday, September 26, 2017 16:31:13
    From: dick.chambers@metercare.co.uk

    Following the invention of Cartwright's power loom in 1785, the income of home-based handloom weavers slowly but continuously declined, from about 20 shillings a week in 1785 to as low as 4 or 5 shillings a week in 1840. By
    this time, they were in abject poverty, attempting to live on earnings that would not even supply sufficient food.

    If Adam Smith's theory in "The Wealth of Nations" is correct, the handloom weavers in such poverty ought to have left their trade and found alternative employment, on a much shorter time-scale than 55 years.

    My questions are:-
    1. Why did they not leave the trade?
    2. Were they trapped by loans, initially taken out to pay for their
    expensive handlooms, which they became unable to repay as their earnings declined? (They would also be unable to re-sell their useless looms in order
    to pay off their loans, because there would be no buyers).
    3. Were there other reasons that I have not thought of, that would explain their failure to leave the trade and find other work?

    I am not a historian, and have not been able to find the answer to these specific questions on the internet, which are the reasons I have ended up
    here. I need the information for a talk that I shall be giving on Adam Smith
    at our local Philosophy Club, of which I am an ordinary member. Thank you
    for any information you can provide. If you can also provide citations to support your information, so much the better.

    Richard Chambers Leeds UK.
    ==========================================

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: www.darkrealms.ca (1:229/2)
  • From Ian Goddard@1:229/2 to All on Wednesday, September 27, 2017 15:09:39
    XPost: soc.history, soc.genealogy.britain
    From: goddai01@hotmail.co.uk

    On 27/09/17 13:25, J. P. Gilliver (John) wrote:
    In message <f313n0Fn53kU1@mid.individual.net>, Ian Goddard <goddai01@hotmail.co.uk> writes:
    []
    One factor affecting the longevity of the domestic system is that it
    could be combined with other trades such as farming. In 1861 my
    []
    That's a very good point. As well as the logistics of the trade itself (sourcing the wool, for example), I can see that it would be something
    that could be done when other factors - primarily weather - prevented anything else on the farm being done. (OK, bad weather probably also
    includes dim light, but that may or may not affect weaving, depending on
    what cloth is being made.)

    I should have mentioned that the weaving is only part of the process.
    Spinning and carding were all originally done at home by wives &
    children. That took longer than the weaving so the weaver had time to
    look after the farm. It almost seems as if a man had to be married to
    set up as a clothier. In my previous post I referred to the Beardsells
    whose development from clothiers is well documented by Day. In a
    previous generation one of them was described as a labourer before he
    was married and a clothier afterwards. His first wife died and he was a labourer again and then a clothier after he remarried.

    Similarly a Dearnley, described as a labourer at the time of his
    marriage, subsequently became a clothier. The couple were childless and
    took on a Dearnley nephew, in part, I suspect, because the absence of
    children of their own was an impediment to developing as a clothier.

    I don't think we have a very clear handle on all the ins & outs of the
    domestic industry. Although smaller clothiers seem to have depended on
    family for yarn preparation the larger ones employed journeymen weavers,
    either on the clothiers premises or at the journeymen's homes. As I can
    find no explicit mention of journeyman weavers in the PRs I take it that
    they were described as labourers.

    We have to realise that there was no ready-existing model for the
    mill-based industry. To a very large extent people were experimenting
    and making it up as they went along. Fulling, always a speciality, was mechanised early. Carding and spinning followed. Weaving came late
    and, in fact the early factories still depended to some extent on
    outworkers; one of the victims of the 1852 Holmfirth flood had come to
    collect a warp to take home to weave.

    --
    Hotmail is my spam bin. Real address is ianng
    at austonley org uk

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  • From Ian Goddard@1:229/2 to Steve Hayes on Wednesday, September 27, 2017 08:53:03
    XPost: soc.history, soc.genealogy.britain
    From: goddai01@hotmail.co.uk

    On 27/09/17 02:19, Steve Hayes wrote:
    On Tue, 26 Sep 2017 16:46:29 +0100, "Richard Chambers" <dick.chambers@metercare.co.uk> wrote:

    Following the invention of Cartwright's power loom in 1785, the income of
    home-based handloom weavers slowly but continuously declined, from about 20 >> shillings a week in 1785 to as low as 4 or 5 shillings a week in 1840. By
    this time, they were in abject poverty, attempting to live on earnings that >> would not even supply sufficient food.

    If Adam Smith's theory in "The Wealth of Nations" is correct, the handloom >> weavers in such poverty ought to have left their trade and found alternative >> employment, on a much shorter time-scale than 55 years.

    My questions are:-
    1. Why did they not leave the trade?
    2. Were they trapped by loans, initially taken out to pay for their
    expensive handlooms, which they became unable to repay as their earnings
    declined? (They would also be unable to re-sell their useless looms in order >> to pay off their loans, because there would be no buyers).
    3. Were there other reasons that I have not thought of, that would explain >> their failure to leave the trade and find other work?
    <

    Interesting questions.

    I had some family members who were handloom weavers, including my
    great great grandfather, who lived in Ayrshire in Scotland. He
    committed suicide, and what you have written above may throw light on
    that.

    I also have a 2xggfather who committed suicide in the 1840s (in the
    Holme Valley which may be of interest to the OP). Nevertheless his son
    who remained in England was still shown as a clothier in the 1871
    census. (3 other sons are known to have emigrated in the 1840s & 50s and
    the other went missing, presumed emigrated, in the 50s). I haven't
    researched this but I suspect the suicide and emigration might be linked
    to general trading conditions rather than being specific to the domestic industry.

    I think one explanation is that different fabrics had different characteristics. I believe the power looms were initially used for
    worsteds and woollens remained the province of the domestic industry.

    I don't know how long the woollen trade lasted. A few days ago I went
    to a talk about a local (Holmfirth) photographic firm founded in 1917 -
    in an old weaving shed in the photographer's father's property. The implication is that some such sheds remained in use for weaving into the
    early C20th although I've seen no other indications of this.

    One factor affecting the longevity of the domestic system is that it
    could be combined with other trades such as farming. In 1861 my
    ggfather was shown as a farmer, in 1881 he'd moved into quarrying and
    employed over 20 men and boys but in 1891 he'd left the quarrying
    business with his two sons and gone back to being a farmer.

    This branch of the family also casts some light on the financing of the
    early mills. The 2xggfather was the youngest of several sons. His two
    eldest brothers inherited the main family property, again half farming,
    half textiles including a dye house. One of them sold his half to the
    other and went off into to be a shop-keeper. The other subsequently
    sold up and put the money into a mill. Some of this is in https://www.amazon.co.uk/Wool-Worsit-History-Textiles-Valley/dp/0957630603/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1506498276&sr=8-1&keywords=wool+and+worsit
    which I recommend to the OP. The account of the Beardsells may also
    cast light on the transition from the domestic to the factory industry
    (the Amon Dearnley to whom they supplied yarn was, BTW, related to them
    several times over by marriage & cousinage - he's one of the most
    complicated bits of my ancestry).

    --
    Hotmail is my spam bin. Real address is ianng
    at austonley org uk

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: www.darkrealms.ca (1:229/2)
  • From J. P. Gilliver (John)@1:229/2 to goddai01@hotmail.co.uk on Wednesday, September 27, 2017 13:25:30
    XPost: soc.history, soc.genealogy.britain
    From: G6JPG-255@255soft.uk

    In message <f313n0Fn53kU1@mid.individual.net>, Ian Goddard <goddai01@hotmail.co.uk> writes:
    []
    One factor affecting the longevity of the domestic system is that it
    could be combined with other trades such as farming. In 1861 my
    []
    That's a very good point. As well as the logistics of the trade itself (sourcing the wool, for example), I can see that it would be something
    that could be done when other factors - primarily weather - prevented
    anything else on the farm being done. (OK, bad weather probably also
    includes dim light, but that may or may not affect weaving, depending on
    what cloth is being made.)
    --
    J. P. Gilliver. UMRA: 1960/<1985 MB++G()AL-IS-Ch++(p)Ar@T+H+Sh0!:`)DNAf

    Very funny, Scotty. Now beam down my clothes

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: www.darkrealms.ca (1:229/2)
  • From Steve Hayes@1:229/2 to goddai01@hotmail.co.uk on Friday, September 29, 2017 05:22:12
    XPost: soc.history, soc.genealogy.britain
    From: hayesstw@telkomsa.net

    On Wed, 27 Sep 2017 15:09:39 +0100, Ian Goddard
    <goddai01@hotmail.co.uk> wrote:

    On 27/09/17 13:25, J. P. Gilliver (John) wrote:
    In message <f313n0Fn53kU1@mid.individual.net>, Ian Goddard
    <goddai01@hotmail.co.uk> writes:
    []
    One factor affecting the longevity of the domestic system is that it
    could be combined with other trades such as farming. In 1861 my
    []
    That's a very good point. As well as the logistics of the trade itself
    (sourcing the wool, for example), I can see that it would be something
    that could be done when other factors - primarily weather - prevented
    anything else on the farm being done. (OK, bad weather probably also
    includes dim light, but that may or may not affect weaving, depending on
    what cloth is being made.)

    I should have mentioned that the weaving is only part of the process. >Spinning and carding were all originally done at home by wives &
    children. That took longer than the weaving so the weaver had time to
    look after the farm. It almost seems as if a man had to be married to
    set up as a clothier. In my previous post I referred to the Beardsells
    whose development from clothiers is well documented by Day. In a
    previous generation one of them was described as a labourer before he
    was married and a clothier afterwards. His first wife died and he was a >labourer again and then a clothier after he remarried.

    Similarly a Dearnley, described as a labourer at the time of his
    marriage, subsequently became a clothier. The couple were childless and
    took on a Dearnley nephew, in part, I suspect, because the absence of >children of their own was an impediment to developing as a clothier.

    This raises a question for me -- what does it mean if someone is
    described as a "clothier".

    My gg grandfather, whom I referred to earlier, was described as a
    weaver or a handloom weaver. He lived at Girvan in Ayrshire, and I
    pictured him as doing piecework, and would have thought of whoever he
    sold it to as a "clothier". He committed suicide in 1890.

    I have another relative, in an earlier century, (before
    mechanisation), who was described as a "clothier". He was from a
    different branch of my family tree, and lived in Devon. He was quite
    wealthy, and there is a local legend to the effect that he was able to
    set himself up in business as a clothier because he had found a bag of
    gold discarded in the Civil War by royalist soldiers fleeing from a
    republican advance. More about him here:

    https://hayesgreene.wordpress.com/2009/08/11/tombstone-tuesday-john-and-mary-stooke/

    The implication of that is that setting up as a clothier required
    quite a bit of capital.

    Now the OP's description of handloom weavers also implies that capital
    was required, and that many were impoversihed because they lacked it,
    but would they be described as "clothiers"?


    --
    Steve Hayes
    http://www.khanya.org.za/stevesig.htm
    http://khanya.wordpress.com

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: www.darkrealms.ca (1:229/2)
  • From Ian Goddard@1:229/2 to Steve Hayes on Friday, September 29, 2017 10:53:24
    XPost: soc.history, soc.genealogy.britain
    From: goddai01@hotmail.co.uk

    On 29/09/17 04:22, Steve Hayes wrote:
    I have another relative, in an earlier century, (before
    mechanisation), who was described as a "clothier". He was from a
    different branch of my family tree, and lived in Devon. He was quite
    wealthy, and there is a local legend to the effect that he was able to
    set himself up in business as a clothier because he had found a bag of
    gold discarded in the Civil War by royalist soldiers fleeing from a republican advance. More about him here:

    https://hayesgreene.wordpress.com/2009/08/11/tombstone-tuesday-john-and-mary-stooke/


    Oi, that might be our money. My wife has Clifford ancestors!!

    --
    Hotmail is my spam bin. Real address is ianng
    at austonley org uk

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: www.darkrealms.ca (1:229/2)
  • From J. P. Gilliver (John)@1:229/2 to goddai01@hotmail.co.uk on Friday, September 29, 2017 10:56:25
    XPost: soc.history, soc.genealogy.britain
    From: G6JPG-255@255soft.uk

    In message <f36fa3F2l6vU1@mid.individual.net>, Ian Goddard <goddai01@hotmail.co.uk> writes:
    On 29/09/17 04:22, Steve Hayes wrote:
    On Wed, 27 Sep 2017 15:09:39 +0100, Ian Goddard
    <goddai01@hotmail.co.uk> wrote:

    <

    This raises a question for me -- what does it mean if someone is
    described as a "clothier".

    I had always naively assumed that this word had to do with clothing
    (tailoring, if you like) rather than cloth, and was pronounced with a
    long o, as in holier or hosiery. From this discussion, it's clear I've
    been wrong about what it involved; I'm curious about the pronunciation -
    was it more like cloth ear? - though I suspect it's now not possible to
    find out. (I've always been interested in language - it runs in my
    family [my brother's a lexicographer].)
    []
    and taken it back to market the next week. There were markets in
    Halifax, Huddersfield, Leeds and Wakefield. The wool sellers and cloth >buyers were travelling merchants. In the C16th there was legislation
    to stop the wooldrivers, the salesmen of raw wool, but the threat that

    On what grounds was this legislation passed - i. e. why did they need to
    be stopped?

    this posed resulted in the Halifax Act to allow them to continue to
    service this area.

    (I take it the "threat" was to the economy of the area.)
    []
    Thanks, overall, for a most interesting description of the trade!
    --
    J. P. Gilliver. UMRA: 1960/<1985 MB++G()AL-IS-Ch++(p)Ar@T+H+Sh0!:`)DNAf

    Security is the perfect excuse to lock you out of your own computer.
    - Mayayana in alt.windows7.general, 2015-12-4

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: www.darkrealms.ca (1:229/2)
  • From Ian Goddard@1:229/2 to All on Friday, September 29, 2017 11:26:18
    XPost: soc.history, soc.genealogy.britain
    From: goddai01@hotmail.co.uk

    On 29/09/17 10:56, J. P. Gilliver (John) wrote:
    I had always naively assumed that this word had to do with clothing (tailoring, if you like) rather than cloth, and was pronounced with a
    long o, as in holier or hosiery. From this discussion, it's clear I've
    been wrong about what it involved; I'm curious about the pronunciation -
    was it more like cloth ear?

    Your initial assumption is correct.

    I have doubts about the original meaning of tailor which are almost the converse of your supposition about clothier.

    In the 1379 subsidy rolls Penistone township had 2 taylours by
    occupation in 12 households. I don't think an extremely remote parish
    was that well dressed. Although no other townships were quite so well
    supplied it does appear as an occupation or an occupational surname*.
    The earliest reference to a clothier I've seen so far was in another
    Penistone township, Thurlstone, in 1558. Were the taylors what we'd now
    call clothiers and does the term "merchant taylor" retain this meaning?

    *Declaring an occupation raised the tax from 4d to 6d which makes me
    wonder how many of those occupational surnames reflect current occupations.

    --
    Hotmail is my spam bin. Real address is ianng
    at austonley org uk

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
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  • From Richard Chambers@1:229/2 to All on Friday, September 29, 2017 12:21:33
    From: dick.chambers@metercare.co.uk

    "Richard Chambers" <dick.chambers@metercare.co.uk> wrote in message news:yP2dndIUg85d71fEnZ2dnUU78UXNnZ2d@brightview.co.uk...
    Following the invention of Cartwright's power loom in 1785, the income of home-based handloom weavers slowly but continuously declined, from about
    20 shillings a week in 1785 to as low as 4 or 5 shillings a week in 1840.
    By this time, they were in abject poverty, attempting to live on earnings that would not even supply sufficient food.

    If Adam Smith's theory in "The Wealth of Nations" is correct, the
    handloom weavers in such poverty ought to have left their trade and found alternative employment, on a much shorter time-scale than 55 years.

    My questions are:-
    1. Why did they not leave the trade?
    2. Were they trapped by loans, initially taken out to pay for their
    expensive handlooms, which they became unable to repay as their earnings declined? (They would also be unable to re-sell their useless looms in
    order to pay off their loans, because there would be no buyers).
    3. Were there other reasons that I have not thought of, that would explain their failure to leave the trade and find other work?

    I am not a historian, and have not been able to find the answer to these specific questions on the internet, which are the reasons I have ended up here. I need the information for a talk that I shall be giving on Adam
    Smith at our local Philosophy Club, of which I am an ordinary member.
    Thank you for any information you can provide. If you can also provide citations to support your information, so much the better.

    Richard Chambers Leeds UK. ==========================================

    Thank you, all three of you, for your interest and your useful replies.

    Reading further on in Adam Smilth's "The Wealth of Nations", I find he makes two further points that might provide alternative answers to my original question (Why did the handloom weavers not move on to a different form of
    work when it was clear that their present form of work was unsustainable?). Possible alternative answers are (1) The influence of guilds, and (2) an unwanted side effect of the Poor Law at that time.

    (1) The influence of the guilds. Smith complains that the
    self-protectionist influence of guilds made it difficult to obtain work in other trades. He asserts that every trade, even if it could be completely learnt in two weeks, sets up a guild and (often by specious argument)
    persuades the government to pass a law prohibiting any non-member of the
    guild from practising that trade. The guilds also strictly limited the
    number of apprentices that could be taken on in any given year. Apprenticeships were expensive to obtain, and in some cases involved up to
    five years of virtually unpaid work. Even for trades such as butcher and
    baker. This system restricted (unfairly, in Smith's opinion) the numer of practitioners in the trade. By the Law of Supply and Demand, the limited
    number of practitioners could maintain a high price for their work. A
    possible explanation of the weavers' plight is that they could not afford an apprenticeship. Any comments?

    (2) The Poor Law. Smith describes this law as a restriction that impeded the change of employment. It was the duty of the parish to provide minimal sustenance to the destitute of that parish. Each parish attempted to reduce this expense as much a possible. The poor that migrated into an adjoining parish could not receive alms from the new parish until they had provably
    lived there for six weeks. In order to prove this point, they had to
    register in their new parish. Rather than run the risk that the registrant might be another mouth to feed, the authorities in the new parish would immediately return the registrant to his original parish (at the expense of
    the latter). Thus the Poor Law made migration from one parish to the next,
    in search of work, extremely difficult for an impoverished weaver. This restriction would particularly affect weavers who lived in a parish where no indusrial-revolution factory had yet been set up to provide alternative employment. Was this the case for your 2xggrandfather who committed suicide? What sort of parish did he live in? Any other comments?

    Richard Chambers Leeds UK.
    ===========================================

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
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  • From Molly Gilliver@1:229/2 to goddai01@hotmail.co.uk on Friday, September 29, 2017 15:16:26
    XPost: soc.history, soc.genealogy.britain
    From: Molly@soft255.demon.co.uk

    In message <f36leaF42vvU1@mid.individual.net>, Ian Goddard <goddai01@hotmail.co.uk> writes
    On 29/09/17 10:56, J. P. Gilliver (John) wrote:
    I had always naively assumed that this word had to do with clothing
    (tailoring, if you like) rather than cloth, and was pronounced with a
    long o, as in holier or hosiery. From this discussion, it's clear I've
    been wrong about what it involved; I'm curious about the pronunciation -
    was it more like cloth ear?

    Your initial assumption is correct.

    But the remainder of the (very interesting) posting to which I was
    replying _did_ seem to suggest that the clothiers it was telling us all
    about were involved with the manufacture and trade of cloth, rather than clothes.

    I have doubts about the original meaning of tailor which are almost the >converse of your supposition about clothier.

    Clothier _looks_ as if it _is at least related to cloth - as, of course,
    does clothing and clothes.

    I don't have an etymological dictionary to hand, but I _think_ tailor
    derives from the French taille, figure (i. e. body). So someone who
    makes things to fit the body.

    In the 1379 subsidy rolls Penistone township had 2 taylours by
    occupation in 12 households. I don't think an extremely remote parish
    was that well dressed. Although no other townships were quite so well

    I agree, that seems unlikely. (I wonder if the alternative spelling
    makes for a different etymology - though I can't think what word it
    comes from if that is the case.)

    supplied it does appear as an occupation or an occupational surname*.
    The earliest reference to a clothier I've seen so far was in another >Penistone township, Thurlstone, in 1558. Were the taylors what we'd
    now call clothiers and does the term "merchant taylor" retain this
    meaning?

    Last bit sounds plausible: "merchant" implies dealing in larger
    quantities, and I can't imagine most places would have someone who dealt
    in large quantities of clothing rather than cloth - mass-production of
    clothing I think only really happened in the 20th century (and then in factories rather than premises), except perhaps in the context of
    uniforms.

    *Declaring an occupation raised the tax from 4d to 6d which makes me
    wonder how many of those occupational surnames reflect current
    occupations.

    Interesting - I'd never heard about that before. Would that distinction continue into what people said they were in census returns? (I don't
    remember ever seeing any indication in any of the censuses I've seen of
    a distinction between occupation and whatever non-occupation might be
    called.)
    --
    G6JPG's mum

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
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  • From Ian Goddard@1:229/2 to Molly Gilliver on Friday, September 29, 2017 15:40:24
    XPost: soc.history, soc.genealogy.britain
    From: goddai01@hotmail.co.uk

    On 29/09/17 15:16, Molly Gilliver wrote:
    In message <f36leaF42vvU1@mid.individual.net>, Ian Goddard <goddai01@hotmail.co.uk> writes
    On 29/09/17 10:56, J. P. Gilliver (John) wrote:
    I had always naively assumed that this word had to do with clothing
    (tailoring, if you like) rather than cloth, and was pronounced with a
    long o, as in holier or hosiery. From this discussion, it's clear I've
    been wrong about what it involved; I'm curious about the pronunciation - >>> was it more like cloth ear?

    Your initial assumption is correct.

    But the remainder of the (very interesting) posting to which I was
    replying _did_ seem to suggest that the clothiers it was telling us all
    about were involved with the manufacture and trade of cloth, rather than clothes.

    Sorry, I meant the initial assumption about pronunciation.

    --
    Hotmail is my spam bin. Real address is ianng
    at austonley org uk

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: www.darkrealms.ca (1:229/2)
  • From Ian Goddard@1:229/2 to Steve Hayes on Friday, September 29, 2017 09:41:38
    XPost: soc.history, soc.genealogy.britain
    From: goddai01@hotmail.co.uk

    On 29/09/17 04:22, Steve Hayes wrote:
    On Wed, 27 Sep 2017 15:09:39 +0100, Ian Goddard
    <goddai01@hotmail.co.uk> wrote:

    <

    This raises a question for me -- what does it mean if someone is
    described as a "clothier".

    My gg grandfather, whom I referred to earlier, was described as a
    weaver or a handloom weaver. He lived at Girvan in Ayrshire, and I
    pictured him as doing piecework, and would have thought of whoever he
    sold it to as a "clothier". He committed suicide in 1890.

    I have another relative, in an earlier century, (before
    mechanisation), who was described as a "clothier". He was from a
    different branch of my family tree, and lived in Devon. He was quite
    wealthy, and there is a local legend to the effect that he was able to
    set himself up in business as a clothier because he had found a bag of
    gold discarded in the Civil War by royalist soldiers fleeing from a republican advance. More about him here:

    https://hayesgreene.wordpress.com/2009/08/11/tombstone-tuesday-john-and-mary-stooke/

    The implication of that is that setting up as a clothier required
    quite a bit of capital.

    Now the OP's description of handloom weavers also implies that capital
    was required, and that many were impoversihed because they lacked it,
    but would they be described as "clothiers"?


    I think the status might have varied a bit in different parts of the
    country - and also maybe with time.

    Here, in the Pennine valleys the established image seems to have been
    someone who would have bought wool in one of the markets, taken it home,
    had it carded and spun in the household, woven it, had it fulled and
    taken it back to market the next week. There were markets in Halifax, Huddersfield, Leeds and Wakefield. The wool sellers and cloth buyers
    were travelling merchants. In the C16th there was legislation to stop
    the wooldrivers, the salesmen of raw wool, but the threat that this
    posed resulted in the Halifax Act to allow them to continue to service
    this area.

    As the buyers wouldn't necessarily turn up at market day a system grew
    up whereby pieces (a woven cloth was always called a piece) would be
    left for sale. This trade was conducted, at least in Huddersfield, in
    inn yards. One of the appendices of Vol 2 of Collins' transcripts of
    the Kirkburton PRs includes a number of Wills of the Armitage family and several mention two chambers in a cottage in Huddersfield. I puzzled
    over the persistence of this apparently insignificant holding for some
    time until I realised that these two rooms would be located in one of
    the inn yards and would have been a valuable trading location*.
    Eventually the Halifax Piece Hall and the Huddersfield Cloth Hall (sadly demolished in the 1930s) were erected to provide purpose built markets.
    During the 1745 rebellion there were many rumours about the movements of
    the rebels and at one point a messaged arrived in Holmfirth for the
    clothiers to fetch their pieces back from Huddersfield and Wakefield.

    The yards were, inevitably, encroached and many were eventually built
    over. The courtyard here must, I think, have been one of these: https://www.google.co.uk/maps/@53.6461982,-1.7836184,54m/data=!3m1!1e3?hl=en The Packhorse Shopping centre further east between Kings St & Kirkgate
    was built around what was formerly the Packhorse Yard and traces of
    others also survive. The Cloth Hall was opposite the western end of
    Cloth Hall St.

    This seems to have been a minimal view of the clothiers. Defoe's
    account (in his Travels) indicates that at least some of them also had
    dyeing facilities. This is also evident in my 3xggfather's will and
    also in Day's account of the Beardsells' establishment at Meal Hill,
    Holme. The larger clothiers would also have put out work to journeymen hand-loom weavers or employed them in their own weaving shops. This
    growth would have been facilitated by the adoption of the early
    multi-spindle spinning machines (the Beardsells again). They could also acquire property; my 5xggfather left a good many cottages (these would
    have been on lease as they would have been manorial property) although
    his own farm was rented from another.

    In their Wills the clothiers styled themselves as yeomen. The weavers
    would, presumably, have been equivalent to husbandmen. I'm not sure
    about the levels of indebtedness the OP supposes as pairs of looms were included in some Wills.

    In the West Riding the trade was scattered over small settlements and
    often in individual farms. This might not have been universal. However
    one of the keys to this rural industry was the freedom from the
    restrictive practices of the urban guilds.

    I suspect that the whole industry was more complex than we suppose.
    External economic factors such as wars and cycles of boom and bust would
    have been as influential in the shorter term as the longer term
    technological development.

    *This series of Wills suggests that this form of trading pre-dates the Huddersfield market charter.


    --
    Hotmail is my spam bin. Real address is ianng
    at austonley org uk

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  • From Evertjan.@1:229/2 to Molly Gilliver on Friday, September 29, 2017 17:06:04
    XPost: soc.history, soc.genealogy.britain
    From: exxjxw.hannivoort@inter.nl.net

    Molly Gilliver <Molly@soft255.demon.co.uk> wrote on 29 Sep 2017 in soc.genealogy.britain:

    Clothier _looks_ as if it _is at least related to cloth - as, of course,
    does clothing and clothes.

    Indeed.

    I don't have an etymological dictionary to hand, but I _think_ tailor
    derives from the French taille, figure (i. e. body). So someone who
    makes things to fit the body.

    Apparently not from the French, though it looks like a French word:

    clothier (n.)
    mid-14c., clother; late 15c., clothyer (late 13c. as a surname) Middle
    English agent noun from cloth; also see -ier, which is unetymological in
    this word and probably acquired by bad influence.
    <http://www.etymonline.com/>

    Cloth,
    from Middle English cloth, clath, from Old English claþ (“cloth, clothes, covering, sail”), from Proto-Germanic *klaiþa (“garment”), from Proto-Indo- European *gleyt- (“to cling to, cleave, stick”). Cognate with Scots clath (“cloth”), North Frisian klaid (“dress, garment”), Saterland Frisian Klood (“dress, apparel”), West Frisian kleed (“cloth, article of clothing”), Dutch kleed (“robe, dress”), Low German kleed (“dress, garment”), German Kleid (“gown, dress”), Danish klæde (“cloth, dress”), Norwegian klede, Swedish
    kläde (“cloth”), Icelandic klæði (“cloth, dressing”), Old English cliþan
    (“to adhere, stick”). Compare Albanian ngjit (“to stick, attach, glue”). <https://en.wiktionary.org>

    --
    Evertjan.
    The Netherlands.
    (Please change the x'es to dots in my emailaddress)

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  • From Steve Hayes@1:229/2 to dick.chambers@metercare.co.uk on Sunday, October 01, 2017 03:45:35
    XPost: soc.genealogy.britain, soc.history
    From: hayesstw@telkomsa.net

    On Fri, 29 Sep 2017 12:21:33 +0100, "Richard Chambers" <dick.chambers@metercare.co.uk> wrote:

    (2) The Poor Law. Smith describes this law as a restriction that impeded the >change of employment. It was the duty of the parish to provide minimal >sustenance to the destitute of that parish. Each parish attempted to reduce >this expense as much a possible. The poor that migrated into an adjoining >parish could not receive alms from the new parish until they had provably >lived there for six weeks. In order to prove this point, they had to
    register in their new parish. Rather than run the risk that the registrant >might be another mouth to feed, the authorities in the new parish would >immediately return the registrant to his original parish (at the expense of >the latter). Thus the Poor Law made migration from one parish to the next,
    in search of work, extremely difficult for an impoverished weaver. This >restriction would particularly affect weavers who lived in a parish where no >indusrial-revolution factory had yet been set up to provide alternative >employment. Was this the case for your 2xggrandfather who committed suicide? >What sort of parish did he live in? Any other comments?

    This particular family seems to have moved about quite a bit. The 1871
    census showed:

    Thomas Hennan, Head, Mar, 41, Wool Weaver, Ayrshire, Girvan
    Jennat Hennan, Wife, Mar, 41, Wool winder, Ayrshire, Maybole
    Jane Hannan, Dau, Unm, 20, Wool Weaver, Ayrshire, Girvan
    William, son, 14, Wool Weaver, Ayrshire, Ayr
    James, son, 7, scholar, Lanarkshire, Glasgow

    At the time of the census they were living in Duff Street, Girvan,
    which is a street of single-storey terrace houses.

    The statistical accounts of Scotland note concerning Girvan:

    Parsh registers kept from 1733, with births being fairly complete,
    marriages irregular until 1825, and deaths irregular.

    The population has increased rapidly since 1791, chiefly owing to the encouragment of building small houses in town which are soon filled
    with the lowest orders of Ireland, who come over to get employment in
    weaving cotton.

    The native inhabitants are respectable, but those who come from
    Ireland behave more like beggars than people who intend to live by
    their own industry. They come in large families, and as soon as the
    father gets employment on the loom the mother and children go out to
    beg. Those who have been in the town for some time and married natives
    are better. The Irishmen have a tendency to desert their families.


    --
    Steve Hayes
    http://www.khanya.org.za/stevesig.htm
    http://khanya.wordpress.com

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